1.0. INTRODUCTION
Microfinance involves activities directed at provision of access to financial services for working poor or small and micro-enterprises. Micro financial services comprise of micro credit, savings, micro leasing, micro insurance and other forms of financial services. The micro finance market consists of the poor who are essentially involved in some form of economic activities. The small and micro enterprises in Tanzania operate in the informal sector, which is estimated to support about 60% of the economically active population.
The Microfinance industry in Tanzania is relatively young. Individual players have been trying to deliver financial services to low-income communities since late 1980s and early 1990s but their efforts have been thwarted by lack of skills and experience, inappropriate methodologies, and above all difficulties in access to sources of funding
The World Bank estimates that less than 20% of Tanzania’s working population in both the rural and urban economies has access to the mainstream banking, which translates into 13 million people not having access to the banking services. It is estimated that 80% of the 13 million are informal sector players i.e. micro and small entrepreneurs (SME) and their number is growing by 4% annually. In general, the microfinance industry in Tanzania faces a tremendous challenge in developing an efficient and effective micro financial system that is capable of delivering appropriate, affordable, quality services to such a large sector with diverse economic undertakings.
A recent 2005 survey done by the Bank of Tanzania updated the directory of Microfinance practitioners and includes basic information on Microfinance institutions including commercial banks, financial institutions, financial Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO), Savings and Credit Cooperatives Societies (SACCOs) and Savings and Credit Associations (SACAs)। The directory includes a total of 8 banks, 45 CBOs, 2 companies, 95 Government programs, 1,620 SACCOs, 48 SACAs and 62 NGOs.
2.0. MICROFINANCE INSTITUTIONS’ SUPPORT TO SMEs
It is estimated that there are close to 8 million small and micro entrepreneurs (SMEs) who need financial services and the number is growing by 4% annually, the majority of whom are found in the rural areas। The SMEs are involved in a wide range of businesses including trading, small-scale manufacturing, agriculture (crop farming and animal husbandry) and services (food vending, transport, hair and beauty saloons etc).
Microfinance institutions operating in Tanzania provide financial services to the SMEs mainly in the form of micro credit with an exception of cooperative based microfinance institutions, which are predominantly savings based। The credit based institutions number between 80 and 100 out of which 42 are registered members of the Tanzania Association of Microfinance Institutions (TAMFI), the local microfinance network.
Microfinance institutions play an important role in micro-enterprise development in Tanzania, particularly as instruments to reduce the "financial exclusion"। As an economic development strategy, microfinance institutions encourage income-generating activities, assist entrepreneurs in stabilizing existing sources of income and enables micro-enterprises to grow into small businesses. In the development of market-based, microfinance institutions provide SMEs with micro-credits and other financial services on a sustainable basis with more flexible terms than those offered by traditionally risk-averse banks. The linking access to finance with business development assistance is an effective way to improve entrepreneurial behaviour and builds business integrity.
This linkage increases entrepreneurs’ chances of running successful businesses and becoming well-established customers of the finance system। Micro Finance Institutions (MFIs) play a significant role in the financial services sector by enhancing the capability of SMEs and co-operation including the exchange of best practices among SMEs.
It is estimated that all the MFIs in Tanzania put together serve a combined client population of about 400,000 SMEs, which is only around 5% of the total estimated demand। Commercial banks including community banks account for around 50,000 while the NGO category accounts for the an estimated population of 220,000 clients.
2.1. CATEGORIES OF MICROFINANCE INSTITUTIONS
The main microfinance institutions can be categorized as non-governmental organizations (NGOs), Cooperative based institutions namely SACCOS and SACCAs while the third category is the commercial banks। The major players in the NGOs category include PRIDE Tanzania, FINCA (Tanzania), Small Enterprise Development Agency (SEDA) and Presidential Trust for Self-Reliance (PTF). Others, which are relatively smaller in size, include Small Industries Development Organization (SIDO), Tanzania Gatsby Trust and Poverty Africa.
The rest consists of very tiny programs scattered throughout the country mainly in the form of community-based organizations (CBOs)। Banks that are actively involved in microfinance services delivery include the National Microfinance Bank (NMB), CRDB bank, Akiba Commercial Bank (ACB) and a few Community/regional banks namely, Dar es Salaam Community Bank, Mwanga Community Bank, Mufindi Community bank, Kilimanjaro Cooperative Bank, Mbinga Community Bank and Kagera Cooperative Bank.
PRIDE Tanzania is one of the largest microfinance NGOs in Tanzania since it was founded in 1994 with a dedication to microfinance। As part of a nation wide initiative for poverty reduction PRIDE Tanzania has been pursuing its objective of assisting micro entrepreneurs by providing loans and technical skills.
2.2. THE CHALLENGES OF MICROFINANCE INSTITUTIONS
It is observed that most Micro Finance Institutions use solidarity groups, as a methodology for issuing small loans while collateral is demanded for clients who seek big loans। The definition of small and big loans varies from one MFI to another, however, for many MFIs, loans start from Tshs. 50,000. Any amount greater than Tshs. 500,000 is regarded as a large loan. A new client is required to start with a small loan and after repayment of this loan the client graduates to receiving the next higher loan amount. This process has been observed to be a limiting factor, especially for new clients who seek large loans.
The experience shows the clients who had applied for big loans had to offer collateral to secure the loans। This condition had hindered some small business owners from accessing large loans and which lead to them being unable to expand their business. The kind of collaterals required include houses, and some expensive durable assets like television sets and refrigerators, which most low-income earners cannot afford.
Micro Financial Institutions outreach to people is also insufficient, for reasons such as badly designed financial products and required obligatory like weekly meetings, which lead to high transaction costs। MFIs require entrepreneurship, which leaves out many people. As a result many individuals are unable to obtain these services.
Conclusively, microfinance institutions, thus offers the potential for sustainability and development of vibrant businesses. Due to their demonstrated success in providing benefits to the poor, international donors and governments are more willing to support micro-finance institutions. Micro-finance is not a panacea but an important intervention in reducing poverty especially to the rural poor.
THE IMPORTANCE OF SAVINGS AND CREDIT CO-OPERATIVE
SOCIETIES (SACCOS) TO URBAN AND RURAL PEOPLES OF TANZANIA
Savings and Credit Co-operatives (SACCOs) are democratic, unique member driven, self-help co-operative organizations. They are owned, governed and managed by members who have the same common bond: working for the same employer, belonging to the same church, labour union, social fraternity or living/working in the same community. A Savings and Credit Cooperative’s membership is open to all who belong to the group, regardless of race, religion, colour, gender or job status.
These members agree to save their money together in the SACCOs and to make loans to each other at reasonable rates of interest. Interest is charged on loans, to cover the interest cost on savings and the cost of administration. There is no payment or profit to outside interest or internal owners. The members are the owners and the members decide how their money will be used for the benefit of each other.
Savings and Credit Cooperatives are democratic organizations and decisions are made in a structured democratic way. Members elect a board that in turn employs staff to carry out the day-to-day activities of the SACCOs. The number of board members is between nine and fifteen. Members also elect a supervisory committee to perform the function of an internal audit.
SACCOS is a prevalent saving device in Tanzania. Most SACCOS are capitalized by illiquid shares. The share savings function as an instrument of ownership, and a basic feature is that the SACCOS should be capable of running on the financial resources of the membership alone. Members work voluntarily and usually never get paid for their responsibility. Most SACCOS cannot afford hiring staff. A prevalent problem though is that the members responsible seldom have any education, which easily makes financial and general management weak.
The saving and credit cooperatives are to some extent regulated by law, which makes SACCOS more of a semi-formal financial institution. All SACCOS are subject to the same legal and institutional framework.
Normally, SACCOS maintains one shared account in a bank. The account represents a connection between SACCOS and the formal sector. The bank account is primarily needed for security. Well functioning SACCOS are popular because of their ability to provide low cost emergency or consumption loans without the burdensome bureaucratic procedures associated with formal banks. SACCOS are also often located near member’s workplace or home, which reduces transaction costs.
There are at least 646 SACCOS registered in Tanzania, of which 61 percent are rural SACCOS and 39 percent urban SACCOS। Urban SACCOS are usually occupational SACCOS, which means that they are tied to a working place. In occupational SACCOS member’s savings and repayment are directly withdrawn from their salaries, which gives this type of SACCOS advantages from a security point of view. Occupational SACCOS have also shown better results. Another reason may be that the education and literacy in urban SACCOS are higher.
1.1. THE IMPORTANCE OF SACCOS
SACCOs create the opportunity for members to take responsibility for their own financial organization. The democratic process is an integral part of the co-operative and encourages members to take control of their own financial affairs. Among the many advantages of SACCOs are:
· Savings are mobilised locally and returned to members in the form of loans. The ideal model invests 80% of mobilised savings to members in the form of loans. The money stays and works within the members.
· SACCOs interest rates on both savings and loans are generally better than rates given by banks and the reason for this is that SACCOs have very low overheads as compared to banks who pay low interest on savings but charge a lot of interest to cover their overheads.
· SACCOs encourage members to save, essential for economic empowerment.
· SACCOs educate their members in financial matters by teaching prudent handling of money, how to keep track of finances, how to budget and why to keep away from hire purchases and loan sharks
· SACCOs pay dividends on shares to their members once the SACCOs is established and profitable. Members therefore take pride in owning their own SACCOs.
· SACCOs do not raise equity from outside interests. All money borrowed to members is money mobilised by members. Because its members funds members are committed to paying back their loans.
· Shares and loans are insured. Upon the death of a member the estate will not have to repay any loans outstanding to the SACCO and the value of any shares owned by the deceased will be repaid double to the estate.
· SACCOs perform a critical and unique function as financial intermediaries। They mobilize significant volumes of personal savings and channel them into small loans for productive and provident purposes at the community level.
1.2. THE CHALLENGES OF SACCOS
Apart from its importance, in some places, especially in the rural areas and especially among the less educated groups, running SACCOS has shown to be challenging. In general especially rural SACCOS have shown major weaknesses in financial and general management. Some SACCOS tries to reach new members through offering a more beneficial interest rate, than the market. The purpose of this is to compete with other financial institutions over potential members. This is obviously not sustainable in the long run, for a small institution with minor resources. Further on, running a SACCOS requires good bookkeeping skills, which makes it hard for the poor who often are illiterate.
2.0. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The microfinance industry in Tanzania is still young. The fact that only around 5% of the market is being served by all institutions involved in microfinance combined is an indication that there is a huge demand for microfinance services in Tanzania particularly in the rural areas, which is prone of high risks and costs. There are only a handful of MFIs that operate in the market mostly concentrated in the urban centres an aspect that has left the rural areas grossly under-served. The government has played its part by creating an enabling environment. All in all, it can be concluded that the microfinance market in Tanzania promises a potential avenue for investment of patient capital.
Financial failures, particularly insufficient institutions and high transaction costs limit poor people’s access to formal finance and prevent low income people from borrowing, and saving. Providing extended access to financial services through microfinance institutions would enable Tanzania to reallocate capital, through mobilizing savings and increasing investments. The result could be increased capital accumulation, which in turn can lead to improved businesses and economic growth. From a micro perspective, individuals acquiring adequate financial services would be able to improve their private economy, which in turn can increase human capital, the individuals’ productivity and ultimately contribute to poverty reduction.
Developing and improving saving and credit cooperatives (SACCOS), is recommended to be one effective alternative to formal banks. SACCOS are reaching low-income people with financial services. If improvements are made and regulations are recognized they could operate as intermediating institutions, allocating resources between low income savers and borrowers. In those areas where it wouldn’t be cost-effective to operate a formal bank, the presence of SACCOs is especially valuable.
3.0. REFERENCES
http://www.pride-tz.org/pwinner.asp?pcat=aboutus&cat=microfinance&sid, (Microfinance in Tanzania, PRIDE Tanzania).
International Co-operative Alliance (2001), “Rural savings and credit co-operative societies in Tanzania”, International Co-operative Alliance Regional office for East and Southern Africa 2001
http://www.bot-tz.org (2003), Bank of Tanzania, Primary Objective and Function of the Bank, Bank of Tanzania 2003.
http://www.MicroSave-Africa.com (1999) Mutesasira L. (1999), “Use and impact of savings among the poor in Tanzania”, MicroSave-Africa.
URT: Financial Services Act of 1991. Ministry of Finance, Dar es Salaam: Government Printer.
URT: Co-operative Development Policy, 2002. Ministry of Co-operatives and Marketing. Dodoma: Government Printer.
URT, National Micro-Finance Policy (2000). Ministry of Finance. Government Printer, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
URT, Small and Medium Enterprise Development Policy (2002). Ministry of Industry and Trade. Government Printer, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
Saturday, January 17, 2009
Thursday, January 8, 2009
Enhancing the use of Indigenous Knowledge for Sustainable Development in Tanzania
Introduction
Indigenous Knowledge is an integral part of the development process of local communities. Sharing knowledge with the poor is most effective when we also solicit knowledge from them about their needs and circumstances. Therefore, development projects, especially those that aim to benefit the poor directly, need to consider indigenous knowledge in the design and implementation stages of the process.
According to the 1998/99 World Development Report, knowledge is the key to sustainable social and economic development. A better understanding of the local conditions, including indigenous knowledge systems and practices could, therefore, help to better integrate global technologies to solve the problems facing local communities in the developing countries. This would in turn help to improve the impact of development assistance given to those countries.
The knowledge systems of the indigenous people are quite varied around many areas in Tanzania, but there are consistent patterns in the way the knowledge is acquired and in the nature of the content of the indigenous knowledge systems. Indigenous knowledge systems are quite different to science-based knowledge systems, but have many aspects that compliment science. For example, indigenous knowledge is intensely local in its factual information, whereas science usually must carry out new studies to gain the same information that is already present in indigenous knowledge systems. Science generally has a short-term base of information that it can use, whereas indigenous knowledge can draw on a very long-term information base. Thus, there is a great advantage to using the two knowledge systems together.
Indigenous institutions, indigenous appropriate technology, and low-cost approaches can increase the efficiency of development programs in rural communities because indigenous knowledge is a locally owned and managed resource. Building on indigenous knowledge can be particularly effective in helping to reach the poor since indigenous knowledge is often the only asset they control, and certainly one which they are very familiar with. Utilizing indigenous knowledge helps to increase the sustainability of development efforts because the indigenous knowledge integration process provides for mutual learning and adaptation, which in turn contributes to the empowerment of local communities. Since efficiency, effectiveness, and sustainability are key determinants of the quality of development work, harnessing indigenous knowledge has a clear development business case. (Gorjestani, 2000).
What is Indigenous Knowledge?
Indigenous knowledge (IK) is the local knowledge that is unique to a given culture or society. Indigenous knowledge contrasts with the international system generated by universities, research institutions and private firms. It is the basis for local-level decision making in agriculture, health care, food preparation, education, natural resource management, and a host of other activities in rural communities. (Warren, 1991).
Flavier et al. (1995:479) defines Indigenous Knowledge as ….. the information base for a society, which facilitates communication and decision-making. Indigenous information systems are dynamic, and continually influenced by internal creativity and experimentation as well as by contact with external systems.
Indigenous knowledge, also referred to as traditional or local knowledge, is embedded in the community and is unique to a given culture, location or society. The term refers to the large body of knowledge and skills that has been developed outside the formal educational system, and that enables communities to survive.
Indigenous knowledge is dynamic, the result of a continuous process of experimentation, innovation, and adaptation. It has the capacity to blend with knowledge based on science and technology, and should therefore be considered complementary to scientific and technological efforts to solve problems in social and economic development.
Characteristics of Indigenous Knowledge
Indigenous knowledge has the following special features that distinguishes it broadly from other knowledge systems: it is generated within communities; indigenous knowledge (IK) is location and culture specific; IK is the basis for decision making and survival strategies; it is not systematically documented; concerns critical issues of human and animal life: primarily production, human and animal life, natural resource management; IK is dynamic and based on innovation, adaptation, and experimentation; and naturally IK is transmitted orally and rural oriented.
The role of indigenous knowledge and its contribution to community development in Tanzania
Indigenous knowledge provides the basis for problem-solving strategies for local communities, especially the poor. It represents an important component of global knowledge on development issues. IK is an underutilized resource in the development process. It has been observed that learning from IK, by investigating first what local communities know and have, can improve understanding of local conditions and provide a productive context for activities designed to help the communities. Understanding IK can increase responsiveness to community in implementation of development projects.
Indigenous knowledge is part of the lives of the rural poor in Tanzania। Their livelihood depends entirely on specific skills and knowledge essential for their survival especially in agriculture. Rural farmers in many regions apply their indigenous knowledge in the production process depending on the nature of their crops. They know when to clear their fields, planting season, weeding, and when to harvest without even developing a scientifically accepted seasonal calendar. The indigenous storage facilities used to keep food crops have proved very useful in many areas in Tanzania especially in the southern highlands of Iringa, Mbeya, Songea and Rukwa. The indigenous storage facilities contribute positively to National Food Security Programme.
Indigenous Knowledge is an integral part of the development process of local communities. Sharing knowledge with the poor is most effective when we also solicit knowledge from them about their needs and circumstances. Therefore, development projects, especially those that aim to benefit the poor directly, need to consider indigenous knowledge in the design and implementation stages of the process.
According to the 1998/99 World Development Report, knowledge is the key to sustainable social and economic development. A better understanding of the local conditions, including indigenous knowledge systems and practices could, therefore, help to better integrate global technologies to solve the problems facing local communities in the developing countries. This would in turn help to improve the impact of development assistance given to those countries.
The knowledge systems of the indigenous people are quite varied around many areas in Tanzania, but there are consistent patterns in the way the knowledge is acquired and in the nature of the content of the indigenous knowledge systems. Indigenous knowledge systems are quite different to science-based knowledge systems, but have many aspects that compliment science. For example, indigenous knowledge is intensely local in its factual information, whereas science usually must carry out new studies to gain the same information that is already present in indigenous knowledge systems. Science generally has a short-term base of information that it can use, whereas indigenous knowledge can draw on a very long-term information base. Thus, there is a great advantage to using the two knowledge systems together.
Indigenous institutions, indigenous appropriate technology, and low-cost approaches can increase the efficiency of development programs in rural communities because indigenous knowledge is a locally owned and managed resource. Building on indigenous knowledge can be particularly effective in helping to reach the poor since indigenous knowledge is often the only asset they control, and certainly one which they are very familiar with. Utilizing indigenous knowledge helps to increase the sustainability of development efforts because the indigenous knowledge integration process provides for mutual learning and adaptation, which in turn contributes to the empowerment of local communities. Since efficiency, effectiveness, and sustainability are key determinants of the quality of development work, harnessing indigenous knowledge has a clear development business case. (Gorjestani, 2000).
What is Indigenous Knowledge?
Indigenous knowledge (IK) is the local knowledge that is unique to a given culture or society. Indigenous knowledge contrasts with the international system generated by universities, research institutions and private firms. It is the basis for local-level decision making in agriculture, health care, food preparation, education, natural resource management, and a host of other activities in rural communities. (Warren, 1991).
Flavier et al. (1995:479) defines Indigenous Knowledge as ….. the information base for a society, which facilitates communication and decision-making. Indigenous information systems are dynamic, and continually influenced by internal creativity and experimentation as well as by contact with external systems.
Indigenous knowledge, also referred to as traditional or local knowledge, is embedded in the community and is unique to a given culture, location or society. The term refers to the large body of knowledge and skills that has been developed outside the formal educational system, and that enables communities to survive.
Indigenous knowledge is dynamic, the result of a continuous process of experimentation, innovation, and adaptation. It has the capacity to blend with knowledge based on science and technology, and should therefore be considered complementary to scientific and technological efforts to solve problems in social and economic development.
Characteristics of Indigenous Knowledge
Indigenous knowledge has the following special features that distinguishes it broadly from other knowledge systems: it is generated within communities; indigenous knowledge (IK) is location and culture specific; IK is the basis for decision making and survival strategies; it is not systematically documented; concerns critical issues of human and animal life: primarily production, human and animal life, natural resource management; IK is dynamic and based on innovation, adaptation, and experimentation; and naturally IK is transmitted orally and rural oriented.
The role of indigenous knowledge and its contribution to community development in Tanzania
Indigenous knowledge provides the basis for problem-solving strategies for local communities, especially the poor. It represents an important component of global knowledge on development issues. IK is an underutilized resource in the development process. It has been observed that learning from IK, by investigating first what local communities know and have, can improve understanding of local conditions and provide a productive context for activities designed to help the communities. Understanding IK can increase responsiveness to community in implementation of development projects.
Indigenous knowledge is part of the lives of the rural poor in Tanzania। Their livelihood depends entirely on specific skills and knowledge essential for their survival especially in agriculture. Rural farmers in many regions apply their indigenous knowledge in the production process depending on the nature of their crops. They know when to clear their fields, planting season, weeding, and when to harvest without even developing a scientifically accepted seasonal calendar. The indigenous storage facilities used to keep food crops have proved very useful in many areas in Tanzania especially in the southern highlands of Iringa, Mbeya, Songea and Rukwa. The indigenous storage facilities contribute positively to National Food Security Programme.
In Tanzania, it is estimated that over 1000 plant species are used as source of traditional medicine for human ailments. Over 80% of Tanzanians are dependent on traditional phytomedicine to treat various diseases and more than 100 plant species are recorded to treat about 38 different pathological conditions of livestock in northern and central regions of Arusha, Dodoma, Shinyanga and Mwanza. Veterinary use of plants widespread among the pastoralist communities in Tanzania but not restricted to them. The lessons learned from this case is that knowledge of traditional medicine practices has not yet sufficiently inseminated conventional medicinal practices in Tanzania which seem to be a missed opportunity for cost effective treatments.
The exchange of indigenous knowledge
Exchange of IK is the ideal outcome of a successful transfer and dissemination. This importantly a learning process whereby the community where an IK practice originates, the agent who transmits the practice and the community that adopts and adapts the practice all learn during the process.
The National Policies in support for Indigenous Knowledge for Development
Most development policies in Tanzania have not given the needed attention to enhancing indigenous knowledge as an instrument for sustainable development. Most of them typically focus on the adoption of the “Western” practices with a view to modernizing the community and transforming the productive sector with the good terms like “Kilimo cha Kisasa” (meaning modern agriculture). Today, many indigenous knowledge systems are at risk of becoming extinct because of rapidly changing natural environments and fast pacing economic, political, and cultural changes on the global scale that have also been adopted in most of the national development policies.
The Agricultural Sector Development Programme (ASDP) for example, which implements the Agricultural Development Policy and probably the Rural Development Policy, invests heavily onto agriculture production and marketing। However, very little resources are utilized to fund traditional knowledge capacity building amongst the indigenous people.
Conclusion
Indigenous Knowledge is an integral part of the development process of local communities. It is a critical factor for sustainable development. It is also encouraging to observe that, in many parts of Tanzania especially in rural areas, there has been a dramatic increase in interest in the role that indigenous knowledge can play in truly participatory approaches to sustainable development. This interest is reflected in many activities formulated within communities.
Empowerment of local communities is a prerequisite for the integration of IK in the development process. The integration of appropriate IK systems into development programs contribute to efficiency, effectiveness, and sustainable development impact. Indigenous Knowledge, like any other knowledge, needs to be constantly used, challenged, and further adapted to the evolving local contexts. Supporting local networks of traditional practitioners and community exchanges can help to disseminate useful and relevant IK and enable communities to participate more actively in the development process.
All community development projects should therefore, strive to have the broadest possible knowledge base to achieve the best results. Greater efforts should be undertaken by the Government and other stakeholders to strengthen the capacity of local people in rural areas to develop their own knowledge base, design and implement their own activities at the interface of scientific disciplines and indigenous knowledge.
The Relevance of Community Organizing in CBOs
1. Introduction
Community organizing is one of many strategies for revitalizing disadvantaged neighbourhoods and communities and for pursuing social change on a broader basis. But Community organizing is the only strategy that invests all of its resources and energy to build the power of the people themselves, people directly impacted by the issues being addressed – to work effectively for community change.
The experience in the country and elsewhere demonstrates that when autonomous, vibrant and voluntary community organizations thrive at local/community level, social and economic progress is not only possible but also greatly accelerated and sustained. (URT, Rural Development Policy 2001). Where communities are empowered and encouraged to plan for their own development and have greater autonomy over local resources, self-motivation and capacity to organize emerge.
This article presents the concept of Community Organizing and potential for Community Organizing process through Community Based Organizations in Mtwara District, the relevance of community organizing towards CBOs development and the challenges.
2. The Concept of Community Organizing
2.1 What is Community Organizing?
The concept of Community Organizing is a long-term approach where the people affected by an issue are supported in identifying problems and taking action to achieve solutions. It is a means of achieving social change through collective action by changing the balance of power. The Marin Institute, (2006).
Dave Beckwith and Cristina Lopez (1998) define Community Organizing as the process of building power through involving a constituency in identifying problems they share and the solutions to those problems that they desire; identifying the people and structures that can make those solutions possible; enlisting those targets in the effort through negotiation and using confrontation and pressure when needed; and building an institution that is democratically controlled by that constituency that can develop the capacity to take on further problems and that embodies the will and the power of that constituency.
Community Organization on the other hand is that process by which the people organize themselves to ‘take charge’ of their situation and thus develop a sense of being a community together. It is a particularly effective tool for the poor and powerless as they determine for themselves the actions they take to deal with the essential forces that are destroying their community and consequently causing them to powerless. Linthicum R, 1991, p.31.
Seth Borgos and Scott Douglas, (1996) refer Community organization “….as the organizations that democratic in governance, open and accessible to community members, and concerned with the general health of the community rather than a specific interest or service function…”
For the purpose of this paper Community Organizing simply means a process of facilitating people to work together, and how to be effective in their society.
2.2 The Relevance of Community Organizing
According to Marin Institute, Community organizing helps to build out many voices to add collective power and strengthen the issue. Community organizing is a key part of an overall strategy to make changes in a community that are widely felt, and that reflect the wishes of the people who are differently affected by alcohol-related community problems. This requires the organizers to not only listen and be responsive to the community, but also to help peoples in the community develop the skills necessary to address their own issues in an ongoing way.
Community organizing looks at collective solutions – larger numbers of people who engage in solutions that impact even more people. These people usually live in the same neighbourhood. The core elements of community organizing are participation, ownership, relationship building and leadership development.
Local communities become partners who not only participate but also negotiate in the development process. In participatory approaches to development, one of the primary focuses must be strengthening community organizations and local institutions. Local institutions are understood here in the broad sense as a system, cooperation or organization between people. It is through such institutions that people maintain and develop sustainable livelihood strategies and build social systems of mutual caring and support.
3. Development of Community Based Organizations in Mtwara District
Community-based organizations (CBOs) are found in all parts of Tanzania. Their contributions to communities and society as whole can not be overlooked and neither can the needs and difficulties they face in trying improve the living conditions of their members.
Since the beginning of market reforms in Tanzania in the mid 1980s many people have been organizing themselves into economic groups many of which operate in the informal sector as a way of generating cash income.
From the historical context, there had been a fertile ground for community organizations to grow in Mtwara District as early as 1960s with the establishment of Rural Co-operative Societies. These encouraged the formation of economic groups for crop collection and sales. Later on the same period the emergence of political pressure groups including for example The Women Union of Tanzania (UWT) witnessed the emergence of many women member groups. Many other initiatives also encouraged the formation of more economic groups among the poor as a way of building solidarity and strength.
The recent development that have taken place among CBOs in Mtwara District must also be considered as in the context of the presence and contributions from other development agencies including for example, RIPS, CONCERN, SwissAid and Basic Needs.
CBOs have been used as efficient units for the implementation of programmes like the Tanzania Social Action Fund (TASAF) and special funds like Women’s Development Fund and the Youth Development Fund provided through the District Councils.
5. Potential and Multiple Effects of CBOs Empowerment in Mtwara District
Most CBOs in Mtwara District are informal groups held together by a common need for self-advancement through collective support. There is intrinsic as well as tangible value in being a member of a CBO obviously for the sake of togetherness cemented by shared values or problems such as the need to reduce poverty, create employment, meet specific needs and/or rise up the social ladder. CBOs empowerment initiatives trickle down to community level. CBOs are benefiting themselves and their communities. Many CBOs have brought new technologies, activities, and pertinent information about development issues.
The power of participatory approaches at community level has taken root to the extent that most CBOs now have their members represented in Local Government Forums where they are able to influence decisions made for village development. Some CBOs are represented even at ward-level meetings and in District Council meetings.
CBOs have the potential to promote gender equality and women empowerment. The ability of women in CBOs to self organize is an indication and the key element of women empowerment. Most CBOs are already empowered enough to develop their own survival strategies. The strengths point to the fact that they are most likely to continue seeking strength from within members and from outside the community in order to survive.
In summary CBOs in Mtwara District have acquired demonstrable capacities including; confidence in self-expression, increasing demand by CBOs for participatory processes in community development; and ability to harness, rationalize and utilize locally available resources towards poverty reduction. All these are potential factors for community organizing among Community Based Organizations in the Mtwara District.
5. Policy Review
Tanzania is currently in the midst of reaching social, political and economic reforms whose primary objective is to unleash and bring into greater play the creative energy and efforts of communities to improve their own well being, as well as to bring about the overall long term sustainable development. Democratic participation is fundamental to effect implementation of these reforms especially the Local Government Reform and the Rural Development Policy.
Community organizing and participation as strategies for poverty alleviation and sustainable development have brought about many achievements in many places in Tanzania towards enabling the people to own and control their development process. The achievements have then enabled people to bring about their own development base on their own priorities, which is fundamental to the National Strategy for Poverty Reduction.
On the other hand the objectives of Community Development Policy among others is to; “to enable Tanzanians to join together in groups and increase their commitments to self-development, and also to ensure that people participate fully in formulating, implementing and evaluating development plans”.
It can be concluded from the above policies and strategies that community organizing is crucial in the process of development because the empowerment process through community organizing promotes participation of people, organizations and communities toward the goals of increased individual and community control, political efficacy, improved quality of community life, and social justice.
6. Constraints and Challenges facing CBOs in Mtwara
· Most CBOs in Mtwara District have a very poor resource base and are only able to engage mostly in micro projects that are too small to promote growth.
· Low level of education to some of the CBO leaders
· Most CBOs work with rudimentary and outdated tools making production especially in cashew processing difficult and time consuming.
· Membership size of most CBOs is very small. It ranges between 5 to 10 members.
7. Conclusion
In Community organizing process, people are at the centre – people are the main driving force for development. People live in different kinds of communities within a wider society. These include villages, hamlets, religious groups, CBOs and other interest groups. It is peoples’ ability to come together and organize in different ways, which is the real key to improving their lives and building wealth and well being in the community. Most communities in Tanzania have access to considerable local resources, which are often taken for granted and under-utilized. The key to this is Community Organizing, peoples’ capacity to organize themselves. People should then participate in, drive and own the development process.
CBOs are nucleus for participatory development in rural communities. CBOs are formed to enable groups of community members to work together towards solving civic, public and economic problems in an open and friendly manner. The small groups as may be, are empowering members of their households and motivating others to form own groups. These groups can be used as effectively as a nucleus for sustainable development.
CBOs in Mtwara District are gaining power as a voice to be reckoned with. They are able to challenge development processes and demand adequate public services in their communities, which is one of the principles of Community Organizing.
Community organizing is one of many strategies for revitalizing disadvantaged neighbourhoods and communities and for pursuing social change on a broader basis. But Community organizing is the only strategy that invests all of its resources and energy to build the power of the people themselves, people directly impacted by the issues being addressed – to work effectively for community change.
The experience in the country and elsewhere demonstrates that when autonomous, vibrant and voluntary community organizations thrive at local/community level, social and economic progress is not only possible but also greatly accelerated and sustained. (URT, Rural Development Policy 2001). Where communities are empowered and encouraged to plan for their own development and have greater autonomy over local resources, self-motivation and capacity to organize emerge.
This article presents the concept of Community Organizing and potential for Community Organizing process through Community Based Organizations in Mtwara District, the relevance of community organizing towards CBOs development and the challenges.
2. The Concept of Community Organizing
2.1 What is Community Organizing?
The concept of Community Organizing is a long-term approach where the people affected by an issue are supported in identifying problems and taking action to achieve solutions. It is a means of achieving social change through collective action by changing the balance of power. The Marin Institute, (2006).
Dave Beckwith and Cristina Lopez (1998) define Community Organizing as the process of building power through involving a constituency in identifying problems they share and the solutions to those problems that they desire; identifying the people and structures that can make those solutions possible; enlisting those targets in the effort through negotiation and using confrontation and pressure when needed; and building an institution that is democratically controlled by that constituency that can develop the capacity to take on further problems and that embodies the will and the power of that constituency.
Community Organization on the other hand is that process by which the people organize themselves to ‘take charge’ of their situation and thus develop a sense of being a community together. It is a particularly effective tool for the poor and powerless as they determine for themselves the actions they take to deal with the essential forces that are destroying their community and consequently causing them to powerless. Linthicum R, 1991, p.31.
Seth Borgos and Scott Douglas, (1996) refer Community organization “….as the organizations that democratic in governance, open and accessible to community members, and concerned with the general health of the community rather than a specific interest or service function…”
For the purpose of this paper Community Organizing simply means a process of facilitating people to work together, and how to be effective in their society.
2.2 The Relevance of Community Organizing
According to Marin Institute, Community organizing helps to build out many voices to add collective power and strengthen the issue. Community organizing is a key part of an overall strategy to make changes in a community that are widely felt, and that reflect the wishes of the people who are differently affected by alcohol-related community problems. This requires the organizers to not only listen and be responsive to the community, but also to help peoples in the community develop the skills necessary to address their own issues in an ongoing way.
Community organizing looks at collective solutions – larger numbers of people who engage in solutions that impact even more people. These people usually live in the same neighbourhood. The core elements of community organizing are participation, ownership, relationship building and leadership development.
Local communities become partners who not only participate but also negotiate in the development process. In participatory approaches to development, one of the primary focuses must be strengthening community organizations and local institutions. Local institutions are understood here in the broad sense as a system, cooperation or organization between people. It is through such institutions that people maintain and develop sustainable livelihood strategies and build social systems of mutual caring and support.
3. Development of Community Based Organizations in Mtwara District
Community-based organizations (CBOs) are found in all parts of Tanzania. Their contributions to communities and society as whole can not be overlooked and neither can the needs and difficulties they face in trying improve the living conditions of their members.
Since the beginning of market reforms in Tanzania in the mid 1980s many people have been organizing themselves into economic groups many of which operate in the informal sector as a way of generating cash income.
From the historical context, there had been a fertile ground for community organizations to grow in Mtwara District as early as 1960s with the establishment of Rural Co-operative Societies. These encouraged the formation of economic groups for crop collection and sales. Later on the same period the emergence of political pressure groups including for example The Women Union of Tanzania (UWT) witnessed the emergence of many women member groups. Many other initiatives also encouraged the formation of more economic groups among the poor as a way of building solidarity and strength.
The recent development that have taken place among CBOs in Mtwara District must also be considered as in the context of the presence and contributions from other development agencies including for example, RIPS, CONCERN, SwissAid and Basic Needs.
CBOs have been used as efficient units for the implementation of programmes like the Tanzania Social Action Fund (TASAF) and special funds like Women’s Development Fund and the Youth Development Fund provided through the District Councils.
5. Potential and Multiple Effects of CBOs Empowerment in Mtwara District
Most CBOs in Mtwara District are informal groups held together by a common need for self-advancement through collective support. There is intrinsic as well as tangible value in being a member of a CBO obviously for the sake of togetherness cemented by shared values or problems such as the need to reduce poverty, create employment, meet specific needs and/or rise up the social ladder. CBOs empowerment initiatives trickle down to community level. CBOs are benefiting themselves and their communities. Many CBOs have brought new technologies, activities, and pertinent information about development issues.
The power of participatory approaches at community level has taken root to the extent that most CBOs now have their members represented in Local Government Forums where they are able to influence decisions made for village development. Some CBOs are represented even at ward-level meetings and in District Council meetings.
CBOs have the potential to promote gender equality and women empowerment. The ability of women in CBOs to self organize is an indication and the key element of women empowerment. Most CBOs are already empowered enough to develop their own survival strategies. The strengths point to the fact that they are most likely to continue seeking strength from within members and from outside the community in order to survive.
In summary CBOs in Mtwara District have acquired demonstrable capacities including; confidence in self-expression, increasing demand by CBOs for participatory processes in community development; and ability to harness, rationalize and utilize locally available resources towards poverty reduction. All these are potential factors for community organizing among Community Based Organizations in the Mtwara District.
5. Policy Review
Tanzania is currently in the midst of reaching social, political and economic reforms whose primary objective is to unleash and bring into greater play the creative energy and efforts of communities to improve their own well being, as well as to bring about the overall long term sustainable development. Democratic participation is fundamental to effect implementation of these reforms especially the Local Government Reform and the Rural Development Policy.
Community organizing and participation as strategies for poverty alleviation and sustainable development have brought about many achievements in many places in Tanzania towards enabling the people to own and control their development process. The achievements have then enabled people to bring about their own development base on their own priorities, which is fundamental to the National Strategy for Poverty Reduction.
On the other hand the objectives of Community Development Policy among others is to; “to enable Tanzanians to join together in groups and increase their commitments to self-development, and also to ensure that people participate fully in formulating, implementing and evaluating development plans”.
It can be concluded from the above policies and strategies that community organizing is crucial in the process of development because the empowerment process through community organizing promotes participation of people, organizations and communities toward the goals of increased individual and community control, political efficacy, improved quality of community life, and social justice.
6. Constraints and Challenges facing CBOs in Mtwara
· Most CBOs in Mtwara District have a very poor resource base and are only able to engage mostly in micro projects that are too small to promote growth.
· Low level of education to some of the CBO leaders
· Most CBOs work with rudimentary and outdated tools making production especially in cashew processing difficult and time consuming.
· Membership size of most CBOs is very small. It ranges between 5 to 10 members.
7. Conclusion
In Community organizing process, people are at the centre – people are the main driving force for development. People live in different kinds of communities within a wider society. These include villages, hamlets, religious groups, CBOs and other interest groups. It is peoples’ ability to come together and organize in different ways, which is the real key to improving their lives and building wealth and well being in the community. Most communities in Tanzania have access to considerable local resources, which are often taken for granted and under-utilized. The key to this is Community Organizing, peoples’ capacity to organize themselves. People should then participate in, drive and own the development process.
CBOs are nucleus for participatory development in rural communities. CBOs are formed to enable groups of community members to work together towards solving civic, public and economic problems in an open and friendly manner. The small groups as may be, are empowering members of their households and motivating others to form own groups. These groups can be used as effectively as a nucleus for sustainable development.
CBOs in Mtwara District are gaining power as a voice to be reckoned with. They are able to challenge development processes and demand adequate public services in their communities, which is one of the principles of Community Organizing.
Community Profile of Mikindani, Mtwara
The origin of the name Mikindani is still unclear until now. Some say that the town was named after a man from the Makonde tribe who killed the sister of the first immigrants from the Makonde Plateau. An alternative, and more likely story is that Mikindani was named for the young palm trees (mikinda) that have been grown around the town. Mikindani is a fascinating old town with winding streets and an interesting blend of thatched mud houses and coral houses influenced by Arabic architecture.
The first settlers to the area were members of the Makonde tribe who settled in the north west of the lagoon. They were joined, in the 9th century, by Arab immigrants from the Arabian Peninsula who settled on the southeast edge of the bay. A further influx of Arabs settled in Mikindani in the late 17th century and early signs of Arab inhabitation still exist in Mikindani; Arab graves and mosques can be seen. In Mikindani, it was customary to mark the grave of a Sultan with a baobab tree planted at each end of the grave. These would eventually grow together, as now seen near the mosque at Mitengo near Mikindani.
From the mid-18th century, large numbers of slaves were exported from Mikindani to present-day Reunion, the Seychelles and Comoros. This trade continued well into the 19th century, until the British government, under pressure from notables such as Dr. Livingstone, banned slave trading and encouraged other countries to do the same. Dr. Livingstone set out from Mikindani on his final expedition.
During the 19th and early 20th centuries, Mikindani expanded and the residential links between the earlier settled areas were consolidated. The German colonial authorities constructed administrative and residential buildings around the Mnaida area, underneath Bismarck Hill. These include the old fort, the Governor's House and a commemorative "Slave Market". This period was also characterized by the construction of fine coral rag houses. These often had delicate balconies on the upper floor. Flat roofs and finely carved ornate doorways are evidence of Arab architectural influence. Prosperous Asian business families also built houses with balconies, under which would be the ground floor shop front.
By the late 1880s, the Germans had established an administrative presence in Mikindani and started to exploit the natural resources of the area including rubber, sisal, coconuts and oil seeds. Oyster pearl fishing took place in the outer Mikindani Bay. Trade also prospered with an influx of commercially minded families from the Indian sub-continent. In 1895, the Boma was built as a fort and Southern Province Head Quarters.
After Germany's defeat in the First World War, Britain took control of Tanganyika. Mikindani remained an important administrative post until 1947 when the British administration started the development of the port in neighbouring Mtwara to be the export point for the peanuts grown on the infamous Groundnut Scheme. Business and administration subsequently shifted to Mtwara and the fortunes of Mikindani declined until it was little more than a large fishing village. Fishermen still now make their living on fishing from dugout canoes and dhows in the deep outer bay.
3.0. LAND, PEOPLE AND CLIMATE
3.1. Geographical Location
Mikindani is situated at the bottom of a natural, protected bay. It is only 9 kms from Mtwara Town, which is the regional capital. Mikindani lies between latitudes 10o and 11o south of the Equator. It borders the Indian Ocean to thee east, Msijute Village to the north and Mtwara town to the south. To the west it borders Mkangala and Mbae Villages. Mikindani is easily accessible, as the coastal tarmac road from Dar es Salaam to Mtwara runs through this small town.
3.2. Land Area
Mikindani has a very small area. It occupies 56 sq. kms, which is about 34% of the Mtwara Municipal total land area of 163 sq. kms. Mikindani is divided between 5 wards; the largest is Mtonya ward with 34 sq. kms and the smallest is Magengeni, which occupies 0.3 sq. kms only.
3.3. Administrative Units
Administratively Mikindani is a division of Mtwara Mikindani Municipal Council. It is subdivided into 5 wards of Jangwani, Mtonya, Magengeni, Kisungule and Mitengo. Because Mikindani is in the urban set up, the wards have been formed by streets. Each ward has the Ward Executive Officer and a Councillor who represents a ward to the Municipal Council. At the divisional level there is a Divisional Officer who works under the Central Government system.
3.4. The Population of Mikindani
The most dominant group who form the majority of the Mikindani residents identify themselves as either Wamaraba or Waswahili. The population of Mikindani according to 2002 National Population Census is 14,207 people. 6,895 are men and 7312 are women. The population of Mikindani is 15.3 percent of the total population of Mtwara Mikindani Municipal Council, which is 92,602.
3.5. Climate and Soils
Prevailing winds are critical in determining the climate of Mikindani, which borders on the Indian Ocean. During the periods of November/December to April/May the dominant winds are from the north-east. They bring a hot humid rainy season to the area of Mikindani and to the whole area of Mtwara Town. When they blow from south-east the area becomes dry, cooler and less humid.
The rainy season of November/December to April/May is single peaked, the peak being reached in January but occasionally in February or March. The mean annual precipitation ranges from 800mm to 900mm.
Likewise temperatures vary from 270 as the highest monthly mean at the coast of Mikindani in December to 230 C in July. Relative humidity goes from 87% in March to 79% in October. Geologically Mikindani lies at the coastal sedimentary formation extending from the Indian Ocean to the edge of the upper hills in the west. This zone produces deep, well drained, sandy soils of low fertility and low moisture holding capacity. They are produced from sandstones. Further, coastal limestones produce red, well drained, heavy textured soils.
3.0. LAND, PEOPLE AND CLIMATE
3.1. Geographical Location
Mikindani is situated at the bottom of a natural, protected bay. It is only 9 kms from Mtwara Town, which is the regional capital. Mikindani lies between latitudes 10o and 11o south of the Equator. It borders the Indian Ocean to thee east, Msijute Village to the north and Mtwara town to the south. To the west it borders Mkangala and Mbae Villages. Mikindani is easily accessible, as the coastal tarmac road from Dar es Salaam to Mtwara runs through this small town.
3.2. Land Area
Mikindani has a very small area. It occupies 56 sq. kms, which is about 34% of the Mtwara Municipal total land area of 163 sq. kms. Mikindani is divided between 5 wards; the largest is Mtonya ward with 34 sq. kms and the smallest is Magengeni, which occupies 0.3 sq. kms only.
3.3. Administrative Units
Administratively Mikindani is a division of Mtwara Mikindani Municipal Council. It is subdivided into 5 wards of Jangwani, Mtonya, Magengeni, Kisungule and Mitengo. Because Mikindani is in the urban set up, the wards have been formed by streets. Each ward has the Ward Executive Officer and a Councillor who represents a ward to the Municipal Council. At the divisional level there is a Divisional Officer who works under the Central Government system.
3.4. The Population of Mikindani
The most dominant group who form the majority of the Mikindani residents identify themselves as either Wamaraba or Waswahili. The population of Mikindani according to 2002 National Population Census is 14,207 people. 6,895 are men and 7312 are women. The population of Mikindani is 15.3 percent of the total population of Mtwara Mikindani Municipal Council, which is 92,602.
3.5. Climate and Soils
Prevailing winds are critical in determining the climate of Mikindani, which borders on the Indian Ocean. During the periods of November/December to April/May the dominant winds are from the north-east. They bring a hot humid rainy season to the area of Mikindani and to the whole area of Mtwara Town. When they blow from south-east the area becomes dry, cooler and less humid.
The rainy season of November/December to April/May is single peaked, the peak being reached in January but occasionally in February or March. The mean annual precipitation ranges from 800mm to 900mm.
Likewise temperatures vary from 270 as the highest monthly mean at the coast of Mikindani in December to 230 C in July. Relative humidity goes from 87% in March to 79% in October. Geologically Mikindani lies at the coastal sedimentary formation extending from the Indian Ocean to the edge of the upper hills in the west. This zone produces deep, well drained, sandy soils of low fertility and low moisture holding capacity. They are produced from sandstones. Further, coastal limestones produce red, well drained, heavy textured soils.
3.6. Topography and Drainage
Being a coastal town, Mikindani is characterized by a flat topography, the coastal plain with its complexity of landforms. It is generally low level with isolated rocky hills on the west and the northwest. During high tides water from the Indian Ocean flows off to the settlements and the larger part of the houses become surrounded by water. The existing drainage systems built during the colonial period have not been renovated since then.
4.0. ECONOMY
Like the rest of Tanzania, Mtwara region is predominately agricultural. The main occupation of the inhabitants of the region is farming. In Mikindani about 70 percent of the population is engaged in agriculture, apart from other activities like fishing, and small-scale industries. Approximately 80 percent of the total area is arable land although less than 20 percent of this is under cultivation. The average farm size per rural household is estimated at 1.5 ha. Farm mechanization and oxenization are still far from realization. The hand hoe is the common farming tool. Major food crops include cassava, millet and sorghum. Only recently has maize gained popularity. Cashewnuts is the predominant cash crop in the area. Livestock keeping is not traditional in this area. Mining is mainly done from coral stones. The coral stones are excavated along the Indian Ocean shoreline for the production of lime, which is largely, used in house construction.
The historical sites in Mikindani have many of the characteristics required for them to be developed as the tourist destination and providing an important catalyst for stimulating local economic development within the area. The tourism sector may thrive and generate adequate benefits to communities in the form of jobs and entrepreneurial opportunities if effectively promoted.
Being a coastal town, Mikindani is characterized by a flat topography, the coastal plain with its complexity of landforms. It is generally low level with isolated rocky hills on the west and the northwest. During high tides water from the Indian Ocean flows off to the settlements and the larger part of the houses become surrounded by water. The existing drainage systems built during the colonial period have not been renovated since then.
4.0. ECONOMY
Like the rest of Tanzania, Mtwara region is predominately agricultural. The main occupation of the inhabitants of the region is farming. In Mikindani about 70 percent of the population is engaged in agriculture, apart from other activities like fishing, and small-scale industries. Approximately 80 percent of the total area is arable land although less than 20 percent of this is under cultivation. The average farm size per rural household is estimated at 1.5 ha. Farm mechanization and oxenization are still far from realization. The hand hoe is the common farming tool. Major food crops include cassava, millet and sorghum. Only recently has maize gained popularity. Cashewnuts is the predominant cash crop in the area. Livestock keeping is not traditional in this area. Mining is mainly done from coral stones. The coral stones are excavated along the Indian Ocean shoreline for the production of lime, which is largely, used in house construction.
The historical sites in Mikindani have many of the characteristics required for them to be developed as the tourist destination and providing an important catalyst for stimulating local economic development within the area. The tourism sector may thrive and generate adequate benefits to communities in the form of jobs and entrepreneurial opportunities if effectively promoted.
5.0. BASIC SOCIAL SERVICES:
5.1 EDUCATION:
It is only in recent years that pre-school education has gained popularity. In Mikindani there are only 2 nursery schools that serve to all five wards. The area has four primary schools owned by the community and the average number of pupils per school is 286.
Until 2005, there was no any secondary school in Mikindani. Currently there are two secondary schools, Mikindani Secondary School was the first to be established in 2005 and Mitengo Secondary School has just opened in 2007. There is also one private owned secondary school in the area, which was opened in 2006.
5.2. HEALTH
There is only one government dispensary in Mikindani, which provides health services to the people of Mikindani. However, the services are still not adequate compared to the population that makes other people go to the Regional Hospital in Mtwara Town for treatment. The most common diseases in Mikindani include Malaria, diarrhoea and Cholera. Others are meningitis, syphilis, dysentery and HIV/AIDS.
5.3. WATER SUPPLY
One of the two major sources of water supply in Mtwara-Mikindani Municipality is the spring source of Mchuchu in Mikindani. The Mchuchu springs produce some 300,000 litres per day and supplies the Mikindani area. The water source is more reliable through out the year and the population of Mikindani depends on this source for clean and safe water supply.
6.0. CONCLUSION
Mikindani is a perfect destination and a wonderful example of a traditional coastal Swahili towns in Tanzania with a blend of African, Arabic and European culture. It has many of the characteristics required for it to be developed as a heritage sensitive destination that would provide an important catalyst for stimulating local economic development within this area and Mtwara region in general.
However, there is still a challenge on how the local community in Mikindani would be able to efficiently utilize the available resources. The historical ruins of the old slave market, the old prison, Dr. Livingstone’s House and the House of Bazaar are some of the tourist attractions, which can be exploited for tourism and generate adequate benefits to communities in the form of jobs and entrepreneurial opportunities.
5.1 EDUCATION:
It is only in recent years that pre-school education has gained popularity. In Mikindani there are only 2 nursery schools that serve to all five wards. The area has four primary schools owned by the community and the average number of pupils per school is 286.
Until 2005, there was no any secondary school in Mikindani. Currently there are two secondary schools, Mikindani Secondary School was the first to be established in 2005 and Mitengo Secondary School has just opened in 2007. There is also one private owned secondary school in the area, which was opened in 2006.
5.2. HEALTH
There is only one government dispensary in Mikindani, which provides health services to the people of Mikindani. However, the services are still not adequate compared to the population that makes other people go to the Regional Hospital in Mtwara Town for treatment. The most common diseases in Mikindani include Malaria, diarrhoea and Cholera. Others are meningitis, syphilis, dysentery and HIV/AIDS.
5.3. WATER SUPPLY
One of the two major sources of water supply in Mtwara-Mikindani Municipality is the spring source of Mchuchu in Mikindani. The Mchuchu springs produce some 300,000 litres per day and supplies the Mikindani area. The water source is more reliable through out the year and the population of Mikindani depends on this source for clean and safe water supply.
6.0. CONCLUSION
Mikindani is a perfect destination and a wonderful example of a traditional coastal Swahili towns in Tanzania with a blend of African, Arabic and European culture. It has many of the characteristics required for it to be developed as a heritage sensitive destination that would provide an important catalyst for stimulating local economic development within this area and Mtwara region in general.
However, there is still a challenge on how the local community in Mikindani would be able to efficiently utilize the available resources. The historical ruins of the old slave market, the old prison, Dr. Livingstone’s House and the House of Bazaar are some of the tourist attractions, which can be exploited for tourism and generate adequate benefits to communities in the form of jobs and entrepreneurial opportunities.
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